Status of Negotiations Between the Dalai Lama’s Representatives and the Chinese Government
March 13, 2007
Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee, I am delighted to appear before you today to testify on the status of negotiations between the Dalai Lama Representatives and the Chinese Government. I appreciate the interest and support Members of this Committee have provided on this issue. I would also like to thank Lodi Gyari, the International Campaign for Tibet, and Richard Gere who are with us today as well as the non-governmental organizations who are working tirelessly for the rights of the Tibetan people.
The United States considers Tibet to be part of the People’s Republic of China. Our goals are two-fold: to promote a substantive dialogue between the Chinese government and the Dalai Lama or his representatives, and to help sustain Tibet’s unique religious, linguistic, and cultural heritage.
I would like to highlight key recent developments, describe the current circumstances in Tibet, and briefly mention actions taken by the Administration.
Key developments
In 2002, under the leadership of Chairman Lantos and former Chairman Hyde, the Congress passed the Tibet Policy Act which supports the Tibetan people and safeguards their unique identity. As Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues, I work to ensure that the Tibet Policy Act is fully carried out, and I remain deeply involved in all aspects of our Tibet policy. I meet regularly with representatives of the Dalai Lama, and the Dalai Lama himself. In fact, in November 2006, I traveled to Dharamsala, India to visit him. These candid exchanges provide an opportunity to hear directly from the Dalai Lama on the status of the dialogue, the human rights situation in Tibet, and needs of Tibetan refugees.
As this Committee is aware, 2002 also marked the year that representatives of the Dalai Lama and the Chinese leadership re-established contact. These meetings represent the first formal communication between the two sides in 20 years. There have been five meetings in all, the most recent took place in February 2006 in China. The previous meetings occurred in September 2002, May/June 2003, September 2004, and June/July 2005. The U.S. government has urged China, at the highest levels, to continue these discussions. We have also encouraged China to meet directly with the Dalai Lama. A full report of our exchanges is provided in the Congressionally mandated Tibet Negotiations Report.
At the outset, we were greatly encouraged by the promise of these discussions. However, recently, we have become more concerned that they have not produced results. In the past year, the dialogue has not advanced, and the Chinese government has ramped up negative rhetoric concerning the Dalai Lama. In August 2006, the newly appointed Communist Party Secretary in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), Zhang Qingli, sharply criticized the Dalai Lama, and dismissed his “Middle Way Approach” as “splittism.” Comments like these and others from Beijing cast doubt on the seriousness of the negotiations.
Our bilateral Human Rights Dialogue with the Chinese, unfortunately, also remains suspended. We have made clear to Beijing that we are prepared to resume a formal Human Rights Dialogue under the condition that it be results-based. We are not interested in talk for talk’s sake. At the same time, I should emphasize that human rights form an integral part of virtually every high-level meeting we have with the Chinese, from the April 2006 visit of President Hu Jintao to Washington, to Secretary Rice’s frequent discussions with Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing, to Deputy Secretary Negroponte’s meetings in Beijing earlier this month, to Ambassador Randt’s regular interactions with high-level Chinese officials in Beijing.
The Chinese authorities released political prisoner Nun Phutsog Nyidrol in 2004, one-year shy of her full sentence, and permitted her to travel to the U.S. to receive medical attention in March 2006. Later, she bravely testified before the UN Human Rights Council that during her 15 years in prison, government authorities severely beat and tortured her regularly. The Administration, many Members of Congress and the International Religious Freedom Commission had pushed for her release, and we were pleased when she was allowed to leave. However, we continue to stress to the Chinese that releasing one prisoner is not enough.
One of the most notable prisoners, whom we continue to inquire about, is Gendhun Choekyi Nyima, the boy recognized by the Dalai Lama as the Panchen Lama, and his parents. The boy was detained by authorities in 1995 and will turn 18 years old in April. The Chinese maintain that he is a “normal schoolboy” living in China. However, China has refused to permit anyone from the international community to visit the boy and his family in order to confirm his welfare and well-being. Verbal assurances are not sufficient to allay international concerns. Agreement to such a visit would send a very positive signal to the world about China’s intentions with regard to religious freedom.
Current Situation in Tibet
The situation on the ground in Tibet remains extremely serious. The State Department’s annual Human Rights Report for 2006 states that tight controls on religion and other fundamental freedoms remain serious problems. The report describes in detail widespread human rights and religious freedom abuses, including instances of arbitrary arrest, detention, torture in prison, and official controls over Tibetan monasteries and institutions. There are over 100 Tibetan political prisoners who are in jail for expressing their peaceful views.
The shooting incident on the Nepal border last fall was a stark reminder of how difficult conditions can be for Tibetans. On September 30, 2006, the People’s Armed Police (PAP) at the Nangpa La pass shot at a group of approximately 70 Tibetans attempting to cross into Nepal. They killed a 17-year-old nun, Kelsang Namtso and wounded several others. While 43 members of the group arrived in Kathmandu, many members of the group were captured by the soldiers. A 15 year-old who later escaped to India reported that three dozen of these were tortured and forced to do hard labor. The whereabouts of the remaining members of the group are unknown. During my November trip to Dharmasala, I received a first-hand account of the chilling incident from a young Tibetan man who escaped the PAP with the help of mountaineers. Over a candlelit map, he described for me exactly what happened and showed me the path the refugees were attempting to cross when the PAP began shooting.
China’s official media has asserted that the People’s Armed Police shot in self-defense. However, eyewitness accounts and footage shot by a Romanian film crew show that the soldiers were unprovoked and fired directly at the Tibetans. Our Ambassador to China and others in the U.S. Government, including many Senators and Representatives, have repeatedly asked for an explanation. So far, none has been provided.
Unfortunately, this is not an isolated incident. The International Campaign for Tibet reports that in October 2005 Chinese troops fired at a group of about 50 Tibetans attempting to cross into Nepal. In June, border police arrested 13 Tibetans near Tingri who were planning to cross into Nepal. There have been no reports on their current whereabouts.
Tibet remains China’s poorest region even though China has devoted substantial economic resources to Tibet over the past 20 years. The rate of illiteracy is the highest in China at 47%, nearly twice that of the second-ranked province, and malnutrition among Tibetan children remains high.
In 2005, state media reported that Tibetans and other minority groups make up 75% of all government employees in the Tibet Autonomous Region. However, Han Chinese hold the key positions, and the Tibetans holding government positions were prohibited from worshipping at monasteries or practicing their religion.
Concern has risen over recent development projects and other central government policies which continue to promote an influx of Han Chinese, and other ethnic groups into Tibet. There has been great concern about the opening of the Qinghai-TAR railroad, and increased migration to the Plateau. On July 1, President Hu Jintao traveled to Lhasa to inaugurate the railroad. By September, official press reports stated that the line had carried 272,700 passengers: 40% were tourists, 30% business people and the remaining 30% were students, transient workers, traders, and people visiting relatives.
USG Actions
As Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues, I remain engaged in all aspects of our Tibet policy. I work closely with relevant bureaus and agencies in our government, and maintain a wide range of contacts in the NGO, academic and diplomatic communities to help ensure support for the protection of Tibet’s human rights and preservation of its unique linguistic, religious, and cultural heritage. I also meet with former Administration officials, and other China and Tibet experts to discuss opportunities and challenges to advance Tibet issues.
As previously mentioned, I traveled to Dharamsala, India in November, an important destination for most Tibetans to visit after they arrive in India. Besides meeting with the Dalai Lama, I also had the opportunity to visit with Tibetan refugees and saw a number of U.S. supported programs that assist refugees and enhance democracy efforts. I was struck by the rich culture and active religious life. Much of our assistance supports the refugee reception centers, health services, educational programs, and special vocational training for Tibetans age 19-27. All of these facilities give the Tibetans the tools to adopt to life as new refugees in India, as well as providing them with education in their native Tibetan language and culture, which they often have not been able to receive inside Tibet.
The President met with the Dalai Lama during his visit to Washington on November 9, 2005 and expressed his continued strong support for the people of Tibet and for their religious freedom.
Later that month, the President traveled to China and met with President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao. In their meetings, the President highlighted the importance of religious freedom and human rights and urged direct dialogue with the Dalai Lama. President Bush said “he thought it would be wise for the Chinese Government to invite the Dalai Lama to China so that he can tell them exactly what he told me in the White House… that he has no desire for an independent Tibet.” He again encouraged the continuation of the dialogue and direct discussions with the Dalai Lama during his April 2006 meeting with President Hu. Secretary Rice reiterated this appeal during her October 2006 trip to China and just last week, Deputy Secretary John Negroponte also raised our concerns. While the Chinese have yet to respond positively, we will continue to urge them to allow the visit as a way of building trust between the two sides.
The Administration’s vision and hope for China is to be a responsible stakeholder in the global system. Our objective is to seek to identify those areas in which we have common interests and where we differ. We also encourage China to understand our concerns and alter its behavior in ways that will advance not only our interests and those of the international community, but China’s own. China’s positions on human rights and democracy are examples of areas in which we do not see eye-to-eye, but continue to seek candid and frank discussions with Chinese officials. As National Security Advisor Stephen Hadley said on the eve of President Hu’s April visit to Washington “If China wishes to become a responsible stakeholder, China should match its expansion of economic freedom with the expansion of political freedom. Chinese leaders need to see that they cannot let their population increasingly experience the freedom to buy, sell and produce, while denying them the right to assemble, speak and worship.”
Conclusion
Despite a lack of progress, we remain staunchly committed to these objectives. In recent years, we have seen a continued crackdown on civil society in China, revealing the unease Chinese leaders have manifested across the country, not just in Tibet. Officials in Beijing have expressed concern about possible unrest in China, and their Tibet policy is just part of their broader concern.
As China’s role on the international stage grows and as the 2008 Beijing Olympic games approach, China should begin to live up to the obligations expected of a responsible global stakeholder and international leader. Beijing may find that a more enlightened policy toward Tibet would be an important step toward enhancing and complementing the respect it has earned from its economic transformation. As President Bush has said, “China’s leaders will discover that freedom is indivisible – that social and religious freedom is also essential to national greatness and national dignity.” It is in China’s self-interest to defuse tensions in Tibet by moderating their repressive and assimilationist policies; by substantively engaging the Dalai Lama or his representatives; and by inviting the Dalai Lama to China.
The Dalai Lama seeks to resolve longstanding differences with the Chinese. His position has been consistent and clear, he wants genuine autonomy for Tibet, not independence. Moreover, he can be an asset to the difficult challenge of regional and national stability. He indisputably represents the opinion of most Tibetans, and his moral authority transcends Tibetan interests.
In March 1959, forty-eight years ago this month, the Dalai Lama fled Tibet. It is my great hope that Chinese leaders take this opportunity to pursue a negotiated settlement with the Dalai Lama that provides the next generation with peace, prosperity, and stability.
