Hi guest, Register | Login | Contact Us
Welcome to Phayul.com - Our News Your Views
Sat 25, Jan 2020 08:17 AM (IST)
Search:     powered by Google
Photo News
Statements &
Press Releases

Book Reviews
Movie Reviews
News Discussions
News Archives
Download photos from Tibet
 Latest Stories
China shuts down Wuhan amidst outbreak of Coronavirus, no case reported in Tibet yet
China and Nepal Sign ‘Secret agreement’ targeting Tibetans crossing border
CTA rebukes clause to recognize ‘One China policy’ as Myanmar-China signs OBOR agreement
University of Maryland announces termination of its Confucius Institute
FIR registered as motorcycles set on fire in McLoed Ganj, probe underway
US Congress confirms 2020 funding for Tibet
Taiwanese man pretending to be a Tibetan Lama sentenced for Rape
Former Minister Gyari Dolma announces running for Sikyong elections in 2021
A project for an Academic institute of Buddhist Studies is underway, Says His Holiness
12 Tibetans sentenced in Sog for “attempting to spread the evil influence of religion”
 Latest Photo News
Shrutika Sharma from Nainital, Uttrakhand, wins the Miss Himalaya Pageant 2019, seen with her are first runners up Shalika Rana and second runners up Sapna Devi. Oct. 13, 2019 Phayu Photo: Kunsang Gashon
Nearly 3000 Students from eight countries listened to teachings of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Three day annual teachings for youth began today. June 3, 2019. Phayul Photo: Kunsang Gashon
His Holiness the Dalai Lama is being escorted to the teaching site at Tsuglakhang temple, May 13, 2019. Phayul Photo: Kunsang Gashon
more photos »
China must do more as a big power
The Australian[Friday, April 09, 2010 14:29]
by James F Metzl

CHINA'S willingness to join negotiations on potential sanctions against Iran and to send President Hu Jintao to a nuclear security summit in Washington this month are important preliminary steps towards taking more responsibility in managing international affairs. But merely joining conversations or showing up for meetings is not enough. Given its growing profile, China must do far more to demonstrate its bona fides as a responsible global leader or risk undermining the system that has enabled its own miraculous rise.

China has emerged as a world power far more quickly than most observers and China's own leaders might have predicted as little as a decade ago. China's rapid economic growth, juxtaposed against the US's problems in Iraq and Afghanistan, monumental debt and role in sparking the global financial crisis, have changed global power realities and global perceptions of those realities even more. China's current international influence probably outstrips its desire or capacity.

This puts China in a difficult position in relation to the so-called international system - the structures and rules created by the US and others after World War II to check national sovereignty through a system of overlapping jurisdictions, transnational obligations and fundamental rights. China has been an enormous beneficiary of this system, and its rise would have been unthinkable without the US-led free-trade system and globalisation process, access to US markets and global shipping lanes secured by the US navy. But China's history of humiliation at the hands of colonial powers has made its leaders ardent supporters of inviolable national rights and suspicious of any sacrifice of sovereignty.

Because China's leaders are not popularly elected, their legitimacy stems largely from two sources: their connection to the Chinese revolution and their ability to deliver national security and economic growth.

The economic foundation of the Chinese government's legitimacy also places an enormous burden on China's leaders to make decisions that foster domestic economic growth at the expense of almost everything else, including, some say, the viability of the international currency regime, nuclear non-proliferation and basic rights in resource-rich countries. This dichotomy creates a difficult situation as China emerges as the world's second-largest economy. If China, in the name of national sovereignty, does not buy into the international system, it becomes hard to argue that this system exists. China's unwillingness, for example, to join other members of the international community in pressuring Iran and North Korea to abandon nuclear weapons programs foreshadows the potential collapse of the nuclear non-proliferation regime. China's active courtship of countries that violate human rights on a massive scale - such as Sudan, North Korea and Burma - similarly represents a preliminary decapitation of the international human rights regime. Given its size and importance, and regardless of its intentions, China will, perhaps inadvertently, destroy the international system if it does not either actively endorse and work to maintain it, or reframe it for the greater common good. If it does neither, the world is in trouble.

If China sees itself as the heir and beneficiary of the US-led post-war international system, it must do much more to prevent and roll back nuclear proliferation in Iran and North Korea, pay a much greater percentage of costs for the UN and curtail its mercantilist policies.

It must also end its alleged corrupt practices in resource-rich parts of the developing world, align its currency policy with global norms, lead efforts to curb greenhouse-gas emissions and, more generally, take into more account the fate of people outside of China in its decision-making.

If, on the other hand, as is its right, Chinese leaders have an alternative vision of what an improved international system might look like, the onus is on them to articulate that vision and outline what they are willing to do to realise it. There may be a better international model than the current one, but it will not emerge by default. As US presidents Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman demonstrated in the 1940s, such a system must be articulated and then forged through decisive action and global leadership.

If China sees inviolable state sovereignty as the foundation of 21st century international affairs, as now appears to be the case, then it must explain why this principle will not lead to the same disastrous consequences as it did in the 19th and early 20th centuries.

The US and the international community must acknowledge that today's fast-rising China has earned the right to play an important role in shaping how the 21st century unfolds.

But if China's leaders will neither do more to support the current international system, nor articulate an alternative, and instead continue to hark back to 19th century models of inviolable sovereignty, they will destroy a global order that, warts and all, has served the world exceedingly well. Those countries that value the current system will increasingly feel the urge to close ranks to defend it.

Jamie F. Metzl, who served on US president Bill Clinton's National Security Council, is executive vice-president of the Asia Society.

The views expressed in this piece are that of the author and the publication of the piece on this website does not necessarily reflect their endorsement by the website.
Print Send Bookmark and Share
  Readers' Comments »
China (Tsongi)
Your Comments

“THE SWEET REQUIEM” Conveys the Universality of the Tibetan Experience
Bells of Shangri-la : A review by Thubten Samphel
How free speech got trampled upon in Sonam Ling settlement
The Dalai Lama on Why Leaders Should Be Mindful, Selfless, and Compassionate
Madro: Review of Tendor's Music album by Jamyang Phuntsok
Here on Earth - Review of Tenzin Choegyal's limited edition EP
Democracy sans political parties and way forward
Refugees: A poem by a Gaddi
The Formulation, Backlash and the Continuing Commotion of Tibetan Women’s Day
Tourism in Tibet: China's Money Making Machine
Photo Galleries
Phayul.com does not endorse the advertisements placed on the site. It does not have any control over the google ads. Please send the URL of the ads if found objectionable to editor@phayul.com
Copyright © 2004-2020 Phayul.com   feedback | advertise | contact us
Powered by Lateng Online